Global Geopolitics & Political Economy / IPS
By Roberto Perez
AMSTERDAM, Apr 12, 2011 (IPS) – Since the 1980s, despite chronic social crisis, Latin America has seen significant advances in economic and industrial development, which have given a boost to the region’s film industry.
But the industry is still in the process of getting established, thanks to the improvement of legislation and the greater funds made available for filmmaking projects selected by national film institutes.
Film production in Latin America is still mainly made possible by the support of national governments.
The region’s economic opening, which began in the 1990s, aggravated the problems of distribution and exhibition faced by Latin American films.
These difficulties are cited to justify government action to protect national filmmaking industries, which suffer from a serious lack of competitiveness against Hollywood fare, with the exception of a handful of box office hits.
Experts say the issue is also related to the scarcity of cinemas in the region and the high price of tickets, which are unaffordable for the vast majority of the population.
But the countries of Latin America are working to boost distribution of and access to nationally-made films.
This effort is represented by the Specialised Group of Cinematographic Authorities (RECAM) of the Mercosur trade bloc, which is the founder of OMA (Mercosur Audiovisual Observatory), whose aim is the unification of the data systems of the bloc’s members – Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay – in order to bolster the development and integration of the national film industries.
The available data confirms that most films do not reach a minimum level of distribution within the national territory, let alone in other countries of the continent.
In Brazil, a country of 191 million people with just one cinema for every 47,000 people, experts are aware that expanding the distribution of local films would require a broadening of the market and the opening of more movie theatres.
According to Gustavo Dahl, the head of Brazil’s national film agency ANCINE, "It is clear that unequal distribution of wealth limits the number of showings, and the audience."
A notable exception was the 2007 film "Tropa de élite" and its 2010 sequel, directed by José Padilha, which explored the inner workings of the Rio de Janeiro Special Police Operations Battalion (BOPE), whose methods have frequently drawn fire from human rights groups.
The first part won the Golden Bear at the 2008 Berlin International Film Festival and the second became the most watched movie in the history of Brazilian filmmaking. Only Hollywood blockbusters have enjoyed similar levels of success in Brazil.
"Tropa de élite" 1 and 2 were a milestone for Brazil’s movie industry because distribution was 100 percent independent, by the film’s production company, Zazen Produções, founded by Padilha and his fellow filmmaker Marcos Prado.
And in Argentina, only one locally-made production was among the 20 most popular films in 2009: "El secreto de sus ojos" (The Secret in Their Eyes) by director Juan José Campanella, which was not only the most watched film of the year, but also won the Oscar for Best Foreign Language Film in 2010.
However, it was not the only national film to draw wide audiences in Argentina. In 2008, "El nido vacio" (Empty Nest) by Daniel Bruman was among the most widely-watched films, and in 2007 "La Señal" (The Signal) was described as a masterpiece by popular actor Ricardo Darín. But these were exceptions. Hollywood films still have a virtual monopoly on the market, as they do in many other parts of the world.
Quality films often receive good reviews from critics, but fail to get adequate distribution. One example is "La sangre brota" (Blood Appears), directed by young Argentine filmmaker Pablo Fendrik and released in 2008.
One challenge in terms of distribution and exhibition is how to schedule a relatively large number of films in a declining number of cinemas in South America.
And once a national production does manage to get distributed, how will it compete against films from the U.S.?
Publicity is clearly key to achieving the necessary audience. Because most of the government incentives go towards production, only a small proportion is left to cover the costs of promotion. Many nationally produced films, without star power to draw in audiences, find it difficult to promote themselves.
One solution could be expanding the number of theatres, so that local films could be more widely shown. But there is also the question of how to reach the considerable number of people in Latin America who have never been to the movies.
Because of the competition from U.S.-made movies, government subsidies are justified by the need to protect national productions, which often have social, cultural and artistic content not normally found in mass-produced Hollywood films.
In using federal funds to produce local films with their own cultural character, most of which never reach the attention of the general audience, the people and governments of Latin America expect the investment to benefit society as a whole.
In this sense, Latin American films are more similar to productions coming out of Europe, where governments, or national film agencies, are also the main stimulus for the production and protection of local film industries in the face of competition from Hollywood.
Despite the challenges faced by the region’s growing film industry, there is no doubt that it is benefiting from the current favourable economic conditions, and it is likely to have a promising future.
Since the turn of the century, authorities in the region have proclaimed the cultural value of national filmmaking industries, which were severely undermined by previous governments.
In the last 10 years there has been strong support for national film industries, as reflected by the quality and quantity of films produced, such as "The Motorcycle Diaries" (a 2004 international co-production), "Y tu mamá también" (And Your Mother Too), a 2001 Mexican film, and "Cidade de Deus" (City of God), a 2002 Brazilian hit, which express the level of maturity achieved by Latin America’s film industry.
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SRI LANKAN TAMILS: A DISCONCERTING SITUATION FOR INDIA
Global Geopolitics & Political Economy
B.RAMAN
My attention has been drawn to a disturbing documentary titled “Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields” produced by Mr.Jon Snow of the Channel4 TV channel of the UK.
2.The documentary highlights the results of a forensic investigation into the bloody culmination phase of the counter-insurgency operations of the Sri Lankan Security Forces against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in April-May,2009. It alleges that the culmination phase, which physically wiped out the leadership of the LTTE for which no right-thinking person opposed to terrorism need shed tears, was also marked by executions, shelling of civilians and other atrocities carried out by the Security Forces. The documentary is available at http://bit.ly/mDpkez .
3. In the culmination phase, the Sri Lankan Security Forces did face a cruel dilemma because the ruthless leadership of the LTTE headed by Prabakaran was making a last-ditch effort to save itself from capture or killing by taking shelter in the midst of civilian refugees. It was not an opportunistic tactic in the face of the mounting pressure from the Security Forces. It was a consciously-planned tactic of Prabakaran to force the international community to intervene by creating a situation in which hundreds of civilians were used as cannon fodder in a futile attempt to save the LTTE leadership from extinction.
4.After the operation ended with the elimination of the LTTE leadership and the collapse of the LTTE as a terrorist organisation, there was a spate of allegations from well-reputed international human rights organisations, humanitarian workers, representatives of Western Governments and UN officials —many of whom often levelled the allegations independently of each other and not in a concerted campaign— that the Sri Lankan Security Forces could not escape their share of the blame for the large-scale violations of the human rights of the Sri Lankan Tamil civilians living in the operational area under the control of the LTTE.
5.Two kinds of violations were alleged. Firstly, that the leaders of the LTTE, including Prabakaran, wanted to surrender but were not given an opportunity to do so, but instead were physically eliminated. Secondly, that the Security Forces consciously used disproportionate force with light, medium and heavy weapons knowing fully well that such use could kill many civilians. Protecting the civilians caught was not on the agenda of either the LTTE or the Security Forces.
6. These allegations have been accompanied by demands for an independent international enquiry under the auspices of the UN to determine the truth and for action against the officers of the Security Forces and others found responsible for the violations — in a manner satisfactory to the international community. It has been alleged that some of the atrocities amounted to crimes against humanity and war crimes.
7. The Sri Lankan Government headed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa has strongly and consistently denied these allegations. While it admits the possibility that there might have been some violations to determine which it has been holding its own enquiry, it has indignantly refuted the allegations that the violations were of such a serious nature as to call for international intervention and action.
8. Unfortunately, human rights violations are rarely avoided in counter-insurgency situations however much the Security Forces try to do so. Terrorist and insurgent organisations train themselves well in creating situations where human rights violations do occur in order to seek the intervention of the international community.
9. What distinguishes a civilised and responsible Government sensitive to the rights of its civilians from a Government which is totally insensitive to the human rights dimensions of counter-insurgency operations is that the former takes cognisance of the allegations instead of summarily rejecting them, enquires into them and takes the follow-up action warranted by the results of the enquiry.
10. That is what the Sri Lankan Government has promised to do. Should it be trusted to do justice to the Sri Lankan Tamils or should it be distrusted and pressured to let the enquiry and follow-up action be handled by an international mechanism set up under the auspices of the UN?
11. While there were obviously serious violations, evidence available till now do not bear out the stand of those who accuse the Rajapaksa Government of violations amounting to crimes against humanity or war crimes.
12. In our anxiety and sympathy for the legitimate rights of the Sri Lankan Tamils, we should not exaggerate or over-state our arguments in support of or against an international enquiry. The Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora which has been active in demanding an international enquiry has stepped up its pressure on Governments and non-Governmental personalities, including reputed journalists of India and other countries, to take cognisance of the forensic evidence collected by the documentary and support the demand for an international enquiry.
13. The Government of India should pay serious attention to the alleged evidence produced by the documentary and have it examined by our legal and humanitarian experts in order to see whether the documentary needs to be taken up officially and at the bilateral level with the Government of Sri Lanka and, if so, in what manner and for what objective.
14. The objective should be to ensure that justice is done to the relatives of the victims and that the honour of the victims is respected even if it be posthumously. It should not be to use the documentary as a stick to beat the SL Government with.
15. The Rajapaksa Government will facilitate a more meaningful Indian role in calming the feelings of indignation and concern of the Sri Lankan Tamils if it handles the documentary with the seriousness it deserves. Inaction is not an option for the Government of India. But action should be within acceptable limits of our bilateral relations with Sri Lanka and should not be overdone.(20-6-11)
( The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )
Copyright © 2011 B. Raman – South Asia Analysis Group (SAAG).
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