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Sunday, October 26, 2008
© Copyright 2008 Malladi Rama Rao. All rights reserved.
By Malladi Rama Rao
Many commentators see in the present lows in the India-Sri Lanka relations a repeat of history – what had happened twenty one year ago, June 1987 to be precise, when President J R Jayewardene was in the midst of ‘Operation Liberation’ for Vadamarachchi. Delhi had airlifted a plane load of journalists to Rameswaram and sent them along with a ‘relief flotilla’ to Jaffna. Some of us, who were engrossed in catching up with the history of Rameswaram, missed the flotilla. The Indian diplomat, who was of the rank of a director in the foreign office, was amongst the ‘left out’. We caught up with the ‘journalists’ ship’ by hopping on to a barge.
Sri Lankan navy stopped the flotilla short of the maritime boundary. The Navy commander was very polite but did not mince words. “You cross the line. We will fire at you”, he told the Indian official, who, we felt, was not willing to take any risk what with so many journalists listening to them on the ‘open radio’. By the time the flotilla returned to the shores, it was past mid-night and we all missed our deadlines. Compensation of sorts came the next day afternoon by way of aerial food drop mission.
This incident comes back to mind because once again ‘humanitarian ‘ issues have become talking point in the India-Sri Lanka relations. And questions are being asked particularly in the Sri Lankan circles whether what had happened at the door step of Vadamarachchi will repeat at the gate way to Kilinochchi. India has not directly or indirectly asked Colombo to stop the Eelam War. Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagman has frankly conceded this point as recently as October 21 on the floor of Sri Lanka Parliament.
Vikitha Herath (JVP) asked him ‘what are the pressures created by India government on the Sri Lankan Government to stop the military operation against terrorism. Foreign Minister replied in the negative. Herath persisted (according to the transcript of the proceedings) by asking ‘What is the action taken by the Sri Lankan Government regarding such pressures’. Replied Bogollagama: “Doesn’t arise’. And categorically emphasized that the Government of Sri Lanka has not faced any kind of external pressure from any quarter regarding the operations by the security forces to defeat terrorism and disarm the LTTE.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa picked up the refrain the same day and it should have been sweet music to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Because the media and political verdict in Colombo is very harsh against him. Interacting with media heads and editors at Temple Trees, Rajapaksa said there was no demand from the Indian government to halt the military campaign when he spoke to Singh on telephone. A statement circulated later by President’s office said: “It is the primary responsibility of his government to look after all the citizens. He carries out this responsibility to the fullest especially with regard to the people who are temporarily displaced in the north, due to the ongoing military operations to defeat terrorism.’ The statement went on to quote President Rajapaksa to say, ‘There is a wrong impression created in Tamil Nadu that this not been done. This is furthest from the correct position. All these are our citizens and we take every measure to look after and provide for them.’
MISPLACED EUPHORIA
As some Colombo dailies noted, the tone was ‘conciliatory’. It was quite a contrast to the report aired on Sri Lankan Broadcasting Corporation’s main news bulletin on Oct 14. It reflected what has come to be identified as Sinhala-Buddhist euphoria and gave currency to the view that whatever be Tamilnadu compulsions and vote politics, Prime Minister Singh is a chicken in an elephant body and hence would like to do a Rajiv Gandhi. The all-party meeting convened by the President sent out the same message and declared its opposition to any Indian intervention.
Interestingly, at no point of the escalating Wanni war, India had called for an end to the military campaign. Its advice: try for a political solution which will be long lasting. And any solution should be within the frame work of unity and integrity of the island nation. This is what the Indian Prime Minister reiterated when Rajapaksa managed to speak to him last week end (after failing to meet him in New York on the sidelines of UNGA session).
External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee elaborated the theme when he made a statement in Indian Parliament on Wednesday Oct 23. So much so, where is the question of India in general and Tamilnadu chief minister in particular orchestrating a campaign to bail out LTTE. In fact, any observer will agree that there is no change in the stand of Delhi and it is not music to Prabhakaran. That is why the high decibel propaganda emanating from Colombo that India is surrendering to the killers of her great son Rajiv is amusing to say the least.
Whatever be one’s political inclinations, it cannot be held against Karunanidhi that he is supporting the LTTE at the present juncture. The humanitarian concerns were first voiced by CPI, which is not known to be Tamil Chauvinist. Others including DMK chief picked up the issue. In all his recent public remarks, Karunanidhi only spoke about Tamils and Tamil race in the context of SL developments. “I am unable to sleep whenever I think of it. Let us avoid the racial genocide in Sri Lanka …”, he wrote in Murasoli, the DMK mouth piece.
One may turn around and ask what about his ‘ultimatum’ to Delhi and threat to withdraw his MPs if Delhi doesn’t act by Oct 28. It should be remembered that Indian Parliament has entered its slog overs with the talk of general election in early February. To that extent, Karunanidhi’s threat doesn’t hurt Manmohan Singh and influence his government’s policies.
Any how, there is continuity in India’s foreign policy whoever is in power in Delhi. It may be recalled Jayalalithaa Jayaram of AIADMK as the TN chief minister led a delegation to then Prime Minister Vajpayee on Sri Lanka issue. And the BJP led government articulated India’s concerns just the way the Congress led government is doing now. In other words, unlike in other democracies, India’s foreign policy is based on national consensus and is not dictated by coalition blues
DELHI-CHENNAI WAVELENGTH
Will Karunanidhi execute his threat spurred by his own local concerns in Tamilnadu? One intelligent guess is that he will not. His close aide T R Baalu, who is also a minister in Manmohan Singh government, has already said that they (DMK) have no intention to bring down the government. “We are not doing anything to help or save the LTTE. We only want to help the orphaned Tamils”, he said in Chennai.
Put differently, there is not much of a difference between Chennai and Delhi on issues related to Sri Lanka. There is a clear distinction between LTTE and ethnic Tamils wherever they may be living in the island nation.
India has umpteen options to make Sri Lanka realise that it is but an island by itself in today’s global village. Yet it chose to be the true friend in need, and not an adversity in distress. It also ignored Colombo’s half baked attempts to bring in other players into the SL theatre. That is not because of any magnanimity but because India knows its backyard and knows, if it comes to crunch, how to protect its interests and influence without much ado.
Obviously, most mainstream politicians and commentators in Sri Lanka have horribly failed to read the TN pulse and the Indian mood. They allowed themselves to be straight jacketed as before and started indulging in cheap talk like why not Colombo also fund fringe terror movements across India. And got carried away by pseudo-nationalism.
Like Sarath Fonseka, for instance. Since he is an army commander, the government, if not the defence minister, should have ‘checked’ his excessive exuberance. That did not happen.
A quiet requiem has been said for APRC and to the much talked about devolution package. There are enough signals that the ruling party will like to ride over the crest of Wanni war euphoria and secure a 2/3 majority in Parliament. Politicians have a tendency not to look beyond the immediate. They also tend to be economical in what they say and do as is the case now when a major humanitarian problem is rocking the north of their own country.
It defies logic why Colombo needed to be reminded of the heavy costs in terms of human suffering in the course of latest military campaign. The 2, 70, 000 Tamils caught in the conflict zone are Sri Lankans first and foremost.
Till Chennai first and then Delhi spoke up for these hapless people, Colombo refused to acknowledge their plight. Otherwise, it would not have ordered the exit of international relief workers (except the Red Cross).
It should have corrected its act when Sri Lanka was voted out of the Human Rights body of the United Nations. And worked to win over the Northern Tamils and removed their mistrust of the government agencies, the armed forces in particular. An element of empathy with them is essential as they are caught between the might of the state and the gun power of a non-state player. Turning ire on NGOs accusing them of indulging in anti-Sinhala propaganda doesn’t help.
TIME TO ACT
The situation in Sri Lanka is the subject of a recent debate in the British Parliament. The Minister for International Development, Michael Foster termed the situation as grave. As the intensity of fighting has risen, the space in which humanitarian agencies could operate has been constricted, he said, virtually echoing the sentiments of Delhi. Both he and members who took part in the debate were concerned over restrictions on the press in Sri Lanka as well as ‘harassment, physical attacks and even assassination’ of innocent persons.
Suffice to say, humanitarian concerns are something no civilised society can afford to ignore. It is not an issue that should be used to score political points either at home or across the Palk Strait in India. Instead of anti- Indian sentiment, what is needed is Colombo, Chennai and Delhi working together to help an estimated 150,000-200,000 people in the uncleared areas. Relief to them should not be tied to end of Wanni war. Firstly because, the LTTE is reportedly preventing them from coming down south. Secondly because, an end to the war is still not in sight (at the time of writing this article).
A senior SL politician (who is still around and active in the power circuit), once told me India is like an old lady whom Colombo should keep telling that she is looking beautiful. We both laughed at the analogy. That was three years back. I don’t know whether the government in Colombo subscribes to this view. What is however essential is that neither India nor Sri Lanka should make an enemy of each other.
About the Author
Malladi Rama Rao is an analyst and writer on the Indian political scene and geo-political and security issues of South Asia. He directs a Weekly Feature Service in English, Syndicate Features, in colloboration with his wife Vaniram. He is also the India Editor of Asian Tribune.
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