RIGHTS-SIERRA LEONE: Reparations Stretched Thin

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
Thursday, October 23, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Mohamed Fofanah

FREETOWN, Oct 23 (IPS) – ”Eight years ago my husband threw his haversack on his back and bade us goodbye. My two kids and I came out of the house and watched him leave. Water was dripping from our eyes uncontrollably; it was as if we were already mourning his death. He was bound for the war front.”

Fatmata Kallon, a tall, rail-thin woman in her early 40s is seated on the front porch of her shack at Sorie Town, located at the hill top in the west end of Freetown, a fast-growing settlement of tin houses, with no running water.

”About three weeks after he left, we were informed that he was killed in an ambush at the Bo-Kenema highway by the rebels. Osman Kallon, my husband had been the nerve centre of the family. Since his demise things have been hell for us.”

Kallon is among the large group of women described as war widows — their total number is still unknown.

A Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was set up in 2002 to investigate the causes of Sierra Leone’s 11-year civil war, a brutal conflict during which all factions were accused of committing gross human rights violations.

The TRC specifically recognised the effects of violence on women and the family structure. War widows — in the words of the TRC’s report, ”women whose husbands were killed as a consequence of any abuse or violation and who, as a result, have become the primary breadwinners for their families” — such women were designated as a privileged categories for reparations, notes the chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Sierra Leone, Jamesina King.

The TRC recommended the provision of skills training and micro-credit schemes for these women, defined in its final report as to help equip and empower them to provide for their families.

But the National Commission for Social Action (NaCSA), the body that will be implementing the reparations, has no immediate plans to begin these projects.

”Because skills training and micro-credit schemes for these women needs a lot of planning and the money that we have now will be insufficient to take this venture on board, when we have more funding we will consider that recommendation,” the Reparations Program Manager, Amadu Bangura, told IPS.

NaCSA instead has chosen to give priority to the implementation of a housing project, providing housing to only three other categories affected by the war: adult war wounded, adult amputees and adult victims of sexual violence. The housing project which was not a reparation recommendation by the TRC.

”I feel so deprived and the loss of my husband during the war will be more painful to me and my family if the reparations recommendations set out by TRC will not be followed strictly by NaCSA for whatever reasons,” Kallon appealed.

Bangura maintains that the housing project was is in line with the recommendations of the Reparations Steering Committee after analysing the TRC report and finding that 49 percent of victims called for the provision of housing.

He stated that when they did their assessment they found out of the 960 amputees and war wounded had been registered by the Amputee and War wounded Association, 500 of them have already been provided with housing by international NGOs.

”We want to continue with what has been started and finish off the 460 beneficiaries that remain. We intend to start off with 50 houses for amputees and 25 for war-wounded beneficiaries,” Bangura pointed out.

Bangura said that the whole reparations programme is expected to start next year, as soon as the verification process of beneficiaries is concluded. It is expected to last for six years.

Each house will cost $6,500 dollars, taken from the present reparations budget total of three million dollars.

”Housing is the best reparations and I support NaCSA to include housing,” says Jusu Jarka, the chairman of an association of amputees and war wounded who stand to benefit from the housing project. Jarka is the only active representative of beneficiaries in the reparations committee.

”I agree that housing is very good, but if the TRC in their wisdom expressly did not recommend it, they must have taken into consideration many factors like limited budget for the reparations,” said Jariatu Kamara, a war widow. ”So I do not see any justification in providing housing for one set of people and excluding the skills training and micro credit schemes that were directly proposed for us in the report. It is unacceptable.”

Jamesina King said that the TRC Report makes provisions for amendment of the reparations recommendations by the implementing body, but only with the unanimous consent of the members of the Advisory Board to the proposed amendment.

”The HRCSL was not aware that such directions had been followed before the housing decision was taken and at what level.”

She told IPS that they have done a letter to NaCSA to request an explanation and justifications for making the amendments to the TRC reparation recommendation.

$2.3 million is expected to be expended on reparations for amputees, war wounded, sexually violated and children victims in the project’s first year.

Amadu said that the Reparations Committee was expecting funding from the government which is still not forthcoming.

In addition, he said that the committee has developed a five-year strategic funding plan to attract international donors and if they have the funds they will implement all the TRC recommendations before the end of the six year Reparations Programme.

”We have suffered greatly during the war and up till now we are suffering. We are helplessly looking at NaCSA to help us get our lives back. Whatever decision they will be taking on reparations, we hope will be selfless and should be in the spirit of the TRC report that has made provision for us,” Kallon pleaded.

The TRC Report stated that they were enjoined by statute to give special attention to the needs of women and girls because while the majority of victims were adult males, perpetrators singled out women and children for some of the most brutal violations of human rights recorded in any conflict.

The report states that ”it is only when the legal and socio-political system treats women as equals to men, giving them full access to economic opportunities and enabling them to participate freely in both public and private life, that they will realize their full potential.”

TRADE-AFRICA: Customs Union to Be Launched at COMESA Summit

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
Friday, October 17, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Stanley Kwenda

HARARE, Oct 17 (IPS) – Following the signing of a power-sharing agreement in Zimbabwe on September 15, the country seems to be growing in confidence. Harare has announced that it will now host the 13th Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA) summit in the resort town of Victoria Falls.

This will be a second chance for some of the rich pickings that come with hosting an event of such a magnitude. The summit was initially set to take place in May this year but was cancelled at the last minute after state-sponsored violence engulfed the country following President Robert Mugabe’s loss to opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in a first-round presidential election in March.

The violence also forced Tsvangirai to pull out of the second round presidential vote after about 200 of his supporters were killed and close to 25,000 were displaced in the run-up to the June 27 election. Mugabe went on to win the run-off poll uncontested and immediately swore himself in as president, a move which was heavily criticised by many world leaders.
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POLITICS-GHANA: The Steep Price of Getting Elected

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
Thursday, October 16, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Francis Kokutse

ACCRA, Oct 16 (IPS) – Mawusi Awity and her husband were willing to jeopardize his military career for her dream of running for parliament in Ghana but there was another price to pay that she could not afford.

”The excessive use of money to win the minds and hearts of the voters is making it difficult for women to get into the forefront of politics,” Awity told IPS.

A development worker and district assemblywoman for the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP), Awity, 46, is one of a handful of women trying to move into Ghana’s political arena. Her story shows the need to re-draw political rules in this democratic West African country (pop.23 million).
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KENYA: Failing Grade For Free Primary Education?

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
Thursday, October 16, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Najum Mushtaq

NAIROBI, Oct 16 (IPS) – When in 2003 Kenya followed its neighbours Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda and Malawi in introducing free and compulsory primary education for all, the response from the public as well as international donors was overwhelming.

Within the first few weeks more than 1.3 million new students were enrolled. Those who had previously not been able to send their children to school rushed to the school gates and the trend has continued ever since.

The numbers speak for themselves. UNICEF figures show that by 2006, the number of children enrolled in Kenya’s 18,000 primary schools had doubled, and that now almost 80 percent of girls and boys are enrolled. And according to UN Development Programme figures, the overall literacy rate has shot up to 74 percent.

But however encouraging these numbers may be, they do not tell the full story.
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ZIMBABWE: Time To Do The Right Thing

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
Thursday, October 16, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Ephraim Nsingo

HARARE, Oct 17 (IPS) – At least 5,000 people are expected to gather in Chitungwiza today to demand improved access to water, sanitation and health services as part of the Stand Up, Take Action Against Poverty campaign.

The event in this sprawling satellite town about 30 kilometres south of Harare is under the auspices of the National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NANGO), which brings together all humanitarian and civil society organisations registered in Zimbabwe.

Because of the political polarisation in Zimbabwe, this year the Campaign has chosen to reach out to the population through a seemingly neutral agenda — environmental sustainability. Hundreds of schools and corporate organisations have already been recruited to take part in tree planting events.

This campaign, coordinated worldwide by the Global Coalition Against Poverty, has long been active in Zimbabwe. The results on the ground have however not been so encouraging. Poverty continues to ravage the southern African nation, once referred to as the breadbasket of Africa. Close to half of Zimbabwe’s 12 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance.

Set to feature prominently in this year’s activities is the water situation, which has deteriorated unabated in Harare and other major centres. The ever-worsening humanitarian conditions, the country’s world-record inflation of 231 million percent, and the plight of orphaned and vulnerable children will also be under the spotlight.

”Zimbabwe is no exception to the scandalous condition of poverty in an opulent world. At the event, we will stand in unity with the rest of the world sending a message to our leaders that we can no longer tolerate the injustice of poverty,” said Fambai Ngirande, who is coordinating the Stand Up and Take Action Against Poverty Campaign. He is also the advocacy and public policy manager for NANGO.

”Our main focus would be on the water situation in urban areas, where years of neglect by the authorities have resulted in millions of people failing to get safe drinking water. We are calling on the government to do the right thing by providing safe drinking water to residents, and improving the provision of all social services.”

This year’s event will feature free open-air performances by three celebrated Zimbabwean musicians — Victor Kunonga, Stanley ”Pastor G” Gwanzura and Fungisai Zvakavapano-Mashavave. The musicians are well known not only for their clean cut mass public appeal, but for lyrics that reflects an interest in social issues.

”It is remarkable that these iconic artists have chosen to volunteer their talents to spread the message of the fight against poverty” noted Ngirande, ”The plight of the poor has so often been ignored, but I am sure that the powerful voices of these three superstars will resonate throughout the country as a rallying call for all Zimbabweans to Speak Out and Take Action Against Poverty.”

Kunonga, who has performed at previous Stand Up and Speak Out events, said it was a good opportunity for musicians to contribute to the emancipation of the communities that nurture and support them.

”As musicians, we owe a lot to the people who have always been with us through difficult and good times. The event allows us to plough back to the communities, and contribute to their empowerment,” said Kunonga.

A concert alone, noted Ngirande, can however not resolve the humanitarian crisis,

”It is clear that the resolution of the complex humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe will take more than a concert, however the sheer significance of thousands of citizens mobilised under one common cause is a bright light in a very dark situation,” he said.

Ngirande said, ”There has never been a more opportune time to mobilise people to demand greater action for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals than now. Our people are suffering.”

Faced with the reality of a population that is increasingly disempowered and distracted by the struggle for daily survival from effectively taking part in such mobilisations as the Stand Up and Take Action Against Poverty, Ngirande lamented the restrictive conditions in Zimbabwe, which are not permissive of social action.

”While it would be important to mobilise our people in their millions to peacefully and symbolically stand up to send a powerful message to leaders to do more to fight poverty, the highly politicised and volatile environment has ingrained a fear and helplessness in our people,” decried Ngirande.

Taking the campaign beyond the event, could be another hassles for NGOs, as there are still remarkable barriers in accessing certain constituencies like the rural areas. NGOs are also censored from the state media.

There are others who do not seem to get the theme of the commemorations clearly. One such is Clever Mutukwa, a war veteran who is also a senior civil servant in Chitungwiza.

”The government has always been doing the right thing, but most efforts have been in vain because of sanctions imposed on us by western countries. If you take a closer look at the trend, you will notice that the crisis is directly linked to the imposition of sanctions. Although I am not saying the government has done everything possible, they have tried under the circumstances.”

Instead of calling on the government to do the right thing, Mutukwa said it is the NGOs ”and their allies in the opposition who should do the right thing and call for the lifting of sanctions.”

HEALTH-AFRICA: Time for Joint Action on HIV/AIDS and Violence

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
Wednesday, October 15, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Joyce Mulama

NAIROBI, Oct 15 (IPS) – The war against HIV/AIDS, it is emerging, will not be won unless sexual and gender-based violence is tackled.

Participants at a recent regional meeting looking at linkages between violence against women and girls and HIV/AIDS described the two as dual pandemics that needed to be addressed concurrently for the HIV/AIDS fight to be successful.

”We have continued to treat these two issues separately, yet they go hand in hand. The complexity of HIV/AIDS calls upon us to join together and seriously address sexual violence,” noted Ludfine Anyango of the United Nations Development Programme.

Held in Nairobi, the conference on Strengthening Linkages between Sexual and Reproductive Health and HIV/AIDS Services, gathered donors, civil society and government officers working in the health sector in 13 countries in East, Central and Southern Africa.

The severity of sexual violence in Africa was reiterated by Nduku Kilonzo, the director of Liverpool VCT, a Kenyan non-governmental organisation advocating for HIV prevention, treatment and care, which organised the conference.
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DEVELOPMENT-SIERRA LEONE: Living Off Scraps

Global Geopolitics Net Sites / IPS
October 4, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Lansana Fofana

FREETOWN, Oct 4 (IPS) – Each morning, Mariama Kamara and her two teenaged sons walk to Freetown’s main rubbish dump. Their mission: to dig through the mounds of garbage in search of scrap metal.

Kamara, 38, lost her husband nine years ago, when rebels of the Revolutionary United Front invaded the capital Freetown, at the peak of the civil war. In the carnage that followed, hundreds of civilians were killed, among them her husband.

Since then, Kamara has had the sole responsibility of bringing up her boys, now aged 14 and 16, as well as looking after six other members of her family, including her elderly mother. The family is crowded into a rented two-bedroom shack located in one of Freetown’s sprawling ghettos, a half-hour walk from Bomeh, the capital’s dump site.
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RIGHTS-KENYA: Rethinking ‘Return Home’

Global Geopolitics – Global News Blog – Global Analyst Online – IPS
Sunday, September 14, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Najum Mushtaq

NAIROBI, Sep 15 (IPS) – The most urgent test of the grand coalition in Kenya is resettlement of the estimated 350,000 or so people made homeless by the violence after the December 2007 elections. Launched in May, the government’s Operation ‘Return Home’ has been riddled with flaws and many experts on internal displacement argue it has exacerbated the crisis rather than resolving it.

Official admission of the multiple failures of Operation Rudi Nyumbani, as the plan is known in Kiswahili, has come from one of the deputy prime ministers, Uhuru Kenyatta, who was sent by President Kibaki to visit some resettlement sites earlier this month.

At a transitional camp in Gitwamba, in Trans-Nzoia district, a surprised Kenyatta said, ”(Provincial) administrators had convinced the president that the resettlement programme was almost complete, yet thousands of people are still living in camps.”

Kenyatta’s comment underlines the government’s insensitivity which Keffa Magenyi, national coordinator of the Kenya IDP Network, identifies as one of the major flaws of Operation Return Home.

”The idea behind Operation Rudi Nyumbani — that those forcibly displaced, most of them very poor, should go back to their homes and farms rather than getting resettled elsewhere — was in accordance with the spirit and intent of the national reconciliation process,” Magenyi told IPS. ”But it lacked strategic planning, coordination and consultation with the IDPs.”

Magenyi is himself a displaced person. On four different occasions since 1993, he has seen his home torched and family members killed or forced to flee to camps by political violence in the Rift Valley. Four months into Operation Rudi Nyumbani, they are still waiting to go home.

”There was no data mapping,” observes Magenyi, ”Where the IDPs had come from and where they should go. No data or census of the displaced people either. There are simple and effective methods of doing it. The government also did not use the data that was available with different organisations like the Kenya Red Cross. They used their own criteria.”

The government criteria, based on proof of land ownership, meant that several IDP groups, such as small traders, farm workers and other people without land, remained unacknowledged or outside the resettlement and compensation plan.

There were no clear deadlines for the various phases of the operation, just a political imperative to be seen to act. A lack of coordination between a special ministry set up for resettlement, working from the office of the president, and provincial administrations actually tasked to implement the plan also led to haphazard management.

So most of the camps are officially closed and most of the IDPs ticked as returned home; but the overwhelming majority have only been moved to camps somewhere else. The very few who have gone back face an unwelcoming, sometime hostile, response from their erstwhile tormentors.

Magenyi, whose network is collecting data from IDPs across the country, estimates that 15 percent of them are still in the original camps, 45 percent are now integrated IDPs (those living with relatives or in other rural and urban host communities of their co-ethnics, segregated along ethnic lines) and the remaining 40 percent have officially gone back, but are actually living in transit camps.

On September 3, the government launched its compensation plan for returning IDPs at one of those transit camps. The ceremony in the Rift Valley town of Molo came to a premature end, however, as about 5000 IDP protesters surrounded the officials, challenged the authenticity of the lists drawn up by the government and refused to take the money.

Angry youth demanded that government officials explain why it took so long to come to the camps with the compensation plan and that too with dubious lists. An IDP representative in Molo, Philip Kamau, questions the provincial administration’s beneficiary lists, which blocks out hundreds of genuine victims of post-election violence. The protesters forced the officials to withdraw the list and agree to make a new one.

On Sep. 9, protesting IDPs blocked the Eldoret-Nairobi highway and police had to use force to break up their demonstration against delayed payments, unreliable beneficiary lists and the lack of security. Dozens were reported to be injured.

The haphazard resettlement has also broken hundreds of families, who have been forced to leave children behind in camps. In the Rift Valley district of Molo, one of the main IDP camp sites, a Unicef report last month identified 1,752 cases of children separated from their families. The report also counted 850-900 child-headed households in Molo district.

”There must be many more in other camps. And it’s because Operation Rudi Nyumbani did not take into account the fact that there are IDP children who need to go to school but there is not enough security in the host communities they are returning to,” says Jacqueline Klopp, a founding member of the Nairobi-based Internal Displacement Policy and Advocacy Centre and a professor at New York’s Columbia University.

Klopp sees not only a lack of consultation with the IDPs but also a lack of respect for them. ”If you are an IDP, it means you are poor, stigmatised and you are a problem. It is not so. These displaced people are teachers, traders, skilled people who are citizens of this country.

”They are talented, capable people who have organised themselves. They say (to the government), ‘Come talk to us. We’ll tell you who can go back, which areas are safe for return and which are not, who among the IDPs do not want to go back, what are the alternatives.’ But the government has not done that,” Klopp told IPS.

Dangers of politicisation

A recent conclave of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the party of Prime Minister Raila Odinga sharing power with President Mwai Kibaki, was embroiled in lengthy debates over what members of parliament from the Rift Valley should get in return for supporting Odinga.

Also on the agenda was a demand for amnesty for the ‘boys’ arrested for crimes during post-election violence in January and February 2008. ”No resettlement without amnesty” is a slogan being used by communities resisting the return of IDPs.

Under pressure, Odinga reiterated his support for amnesty, eliciting criticism from his partners in the grand coalition.

A number of ODM MPs and ministers have been blamed for mobilising the campaign of violence both in reports by civil society and during the hearings of the Waki commission of inquiry into post-election violence.

But the arrests extend beyond ODM supporters. Hundreds of pro-Kibaki Kikuyu youth are also behind bars for attacks. There are significant numbers of IDPs from a wide number of ethnic groups including Kalenjins, Kissis, Luos and Luhiyas.

”The violence and displacement in 2008 is different (from those in the 1990s). This time the IDPs include not the Kikuyus only, but also many other tribes. It is a cross-ethnic national issue,” says Magenyi of the IDP Network, who believes ODM cannot continue to isolate the issue amnesty for its supporters from the overall resettlement and reconciliation plan.

”The issue of amnesty for the arrested youth is being raised to divert attention away from the real culprits. The debate on whether to grant amnesty should start at the other end. It ought to be focused on the powerful politicians who had used those young boys to unleash the violence.”

CULTURE-NIGERIA: Writers, Film-makers Defy Censors

Global Geopolitics – Global News Blog – Global Analyst Online – IPS
Friday, September 12, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Amina Koki Gizo

KANO, Sep 12 (IPS) – ”I don’t sell cocaine,” says the video vendor in Kano’s Rimi market when I ask for Adam Zango’s music video CD Bahaushiya. He is not referring to the white powder, but instead a new illegal substance — Hausa films that have not passed through the Kano State Censors Board.

The video CD I’m asking for is an especially hot drug: a series of six music videos satirising corrupt old men, lamenting fickle girlfriends, and featuring dancing Hausa girls. The musician, Adam Zango, also an actor and director in the Hausa film industry, was arrested and jailed for three months for releasing the collection during a ban on Hausa filmmaking in Kano.

The censors board in Nigeria’s northern Kano State was instituted in 2001 after the controversial implementation of Islamic shari’a law in Kano State. Film-making was at first banned outright, but the filmmakers’ association of Northern Nigeria (MOPPAN) suggested a ”review” board as a compromise measure, which allowed the industry to continue, though with certain restrictions on language, dress and ”close dancing between men and women.” (Five of the ten laws were specifically related to women’s clothing or interaction with men.)

The censors board and the film industry underwent an even more dramatic transformation in August 2007, when a private mobile phone video of a popular Hausa actress and her lover having sex was leaked to the public. The actress, Maryam ”Hiyana”, and the man who had surreptitiously recorded the video immediately went into hiding.

Within days, hundreds of black market entrepreneurs in Kano, the centre of the Hausa-language film industry, were charging thousands of naira to see what was being called ”the first Hausa blue film”. Outraged religious and political leaders called for an indefinite suspension of the Kano film industry and the mass expulsion of other performers suspected of ”improper” behavior.

By late September, the Kano State Censorship Board, under the leadership of its new Director General, Abubakar Rabo Abdulkarim, had issued new, stricter guidelines to both filmmakers and writers in the state. Article 97 of the censorship regulations states that ”Any person who… publicly exhibits any indecent stage show or performance, play or any show or performance tending to corrupt public morals, is guilty of an offence and is liable to imprisonment for 3 months or to a fine or to both such imprisonment and fine.”

The imprisonment clause has been put into effect several times. Besides Adam Zango, who was imprisoned in September 2007, pioneering Hausa director and former Kano State gubernatorial candidate Hamisu Lamido Iyan Tama was jailed after copies of his film Tsintsiya were impounded from a video shop in Kano in May 2008. He was accused of not registering his company Iyan Tama Multimedia with the censorship board.

(A court case reveals that the company had, in fact, registered and paid the required fees.) Ironically, the director was arrested the day of his return from the Zuma Film Festival in Abuja where Tsintsiya had won an award for Best Film on Social Issue.

The new censorship regime has had the effect of suppressing Hausa filmmaking in Kano, Northern Nigeria’s largest city. The exact size of the industry is hard to determine, but a 2002 study by the national censors board counted 133 Hausa films produced between January and August of that year, making the Hausa film industry second in size only to Yoruba.

Although filmmakers are still doing post-production in Kano, locations have been moved to neighboring states, the majority now being shot in neighbouring Kaduna State. Filmmakers bypass the Kano State Censors Board by marking ”Not for sale in Kano” on their films and selling them in other states.

Following the exodus of the Hausa film-making scene from Kano State, Malam Rabo, the director general of the censors board, turned his attention to the writers in the state.

On Friday, August 8, pamphlets from a mysterious ”Organization for Islamic Values Protection” were distributed in the mosques around Kano claiming that writers in Kano State are agents of foreigners in a plot to destroy the Islamic upbringing of children and promote immorality. The flier specifically called for the restraint of Ibrahim Sheme, an award winning Hausa novelist to be ”restrained”. According to his blog, Sheme has also received anonymous death threats.

The standoff between writers and the censorship board is escalating. A letter directed to the five writers’ organisations in Kano dated 12 August confirmed a request first made in June 5 for each writer in the state to register individually with the board before they can publish or distribute writing. The requirements included submission of a comprehensive list of association membership, bio-data and past publications of every member, and individual subject files to be created for each author.

In response, the writers’ associations, under the leadership of Ado Ahmad Gidan Dabino, chairman of Kano Association of Nigerian Authors, went ”on strike” for three weeks. The strike ended on 16 August, with the writer’s associations promising, in a general communiqué, that ”by next week new titles would flood the market.”

In an email update to the Association of Nigerian Authors, Dr Yusuf Adamu called on members to demand Rabo’s sacking. ”Write in the papers please, people write… Those of you from the north should please write to your State Governors and complain about it.”

After an August 25 meeting with both state and national leaders of the ANA, the censorship board agreed to require registration of writers’ associations rather than individuals.

Novelist Sa’adatu Baba speaks passionately against the censorship board, ”I want the governor of Kano State to sack Malam Rabo from his seat. We need a reasonable person, a person who respects literature, a person who can judge us both writers and filmmakers, because I know that if we have somebody who loves literature, he cannot do this to us.”

Her passion is echoed in the responses of other artists, from Kano ANA chair Ado Ahmad Gidan Dabino, who has said in a radio interview that the government should build a new wing of the prison for writers, to Nazir ”Ziriums” Hausawa, a hip hop musician who recorded a song requesting God to send plagues of piles to those who keep them from producing their art. Adam. Zango has responded to his 2007 imprisonment with a new song calling Rabo a donkey.

Such songs are banned from the radio, but pass virally from handset to handset.

The suppression of creativity in Nigeria is hardly a new phenomenon. Writers have been imprisoned and even executed like novelist and activist Ken Saro-Wiwa. However, the popular imagination combined with the subversive possibilities of such new technologies point to the impossibility of the task undertaken by the Censorship Board.

Filmmakers travel out of state to film and bring the digital tapes back in to edit, taking them back out of state to market. Writers, kept from publishing articles in local newspapers, repeat sentiments on blogs and pass digital photos of correspondence with the censors via email listserves.

Bus drivers plaster the windows of their ramshackle vehicles with stickers of ”porn-star” Hiyana. Young people cite watching movies as inspiration for using their phones to record conversations with corrupt lecturers and authority figures who they then expose as hypocrites.

In the Clarendon lectures given at Oxford University in 1996, formerly imprisoned Kenyan novelist Ngugi wa Thiong’o theorised that whereas the state seeks to silence alternate stories, ”art tries to restore voices to the land. It tries to give voice back to the silenced”. In Northern Nigeria , despite state-sponsored bans, book burnings, and imprisonments, it is becoming difficult to silence those voices in the first place.

POLITICS-ZIMBABWE: Power-Sharing Deal Signed

Global Geopolitics – Global News Blog – Global Analyst Online – IPS
Friday, September 12, 2008

All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.

Stanley Kwenda

HARARE, Sep 12 (IPS) – Zimbabwe’s political leaders signed a long overdue power sharing deal late on Thursday night.

The deal follows four consecutive days of talks between the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) at a Harare hotel.

With economic and social conditions in the country continuing to deteriorate, Zimbabweans welcomed the news.

”This is what we have been praying for in a long time because it’s the only way that our country was to go forward but to be honest this is too good to be true,” said Chenesai Musundure, a Harare primary school teacher.
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