Global Geopolitics – Global News Blog – IPS
Sunday, August 31, 2008
All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.
Diego Cevallos* – Tierramérica
MEXICO CITY, Aug 31 (IPS) – The Canadian mining corporation Minefinders has explored a rural area of the northern Mexican state of Chihuahua for 14 years. But as it gets ready to begin mining gold and silver there, its plans are threatened by peasant farmers’ protests.
The discontent with Minefinders after such a long time is due to the fact that ”we became aware of the trickery, the abuse from the company,” campesino (peasant) spokesperson David de la Rosa told Tierramérica. ”We became aware of the inequality of the relationship,” added Mario Patrón, an attorney who advises the group.
The residents of Huizopa, an enclave community in the Western Sierra Madre made up of 230 farming and ranching families who are self-sustaining, have maintained a camp since May near the not-yet-operating processing plant of the Compañía Minera Dolores, a subsidiary of Minefinders in Mexico.
Entire families from the Huizopa communal ownership association take turns there to ensure an uninterrupted presence. Although they do not get in the way of the mining company’s work, their demands and the potential for escalating their protest keep the Minefinders plans on edge.
The corporation holds a concession granted in 1994 by the Mexican government. With that authorisation and the initial approval of the peasants it made around a thousand perforations in search of gold and silver.
To initiate mining of the precious metals, in 2006 it signed an agreement with the Huizopa community leaders, stating that it can operate on some 1,200 hectares. However, a large portion of the community maintains that the required consultation process never took place.
”The agreement signed with the mining company is illegal because it was not studied and was not voted on by the community assembly, and furthermore it is unequal; it doesn’t have even the minimal principle of equality,” attorney Patrón said in a Tierramérica interview.
In addition, say the campesinos, the mining company has appropriated nearly 3,500 hectares of the 86,000 belonging to Huizopa.
A minority group among the residents supports the company, which has built houses and roads, but the majority wants a new agreement that includes financing for a community development plan, annual rental payments per hectare of mining, a system for participation in the profits, and environmental studies.
Minefinders says on its web site that it is 100-percent owner of the property at the Dolores mine, which it plans to exploit through open-pit operations for 15 years.
This is not an isolated conflict. In the last decade, recurrent problems have come to a head between the mining industry and the labour unions and residents in several Latin American countries, coinciding with the boom in international prices of precious metals.
In the past four years, gold prices have gone up 219 percent and silver 149 percent in a cycle that has brought multi-million-dollar profits for the companies and a jump in tax revenues collected by governments.
In Peru, there were 26 mining strikes in the first half of this year, just three fewer than the entire year of 2007. In Central America, where mining companies have identified at least 23 minable zones, citizen groups are on war footing, arguing that the mining executives are getting rich while destroying the environment and hurting the populations living near the mines.
The conflict between the government of Mexico and the leadership of one sector of the mining unions has continued since 2006.
The campesinos of Huizopa ”will not fall into violence, but we will not give up until we achieve real benefits from Minefinders, because we know it is going to see heavy profits,” said spokesperson De la Rosa.
They estimate that in 15 years the mining company will take in about 3 billion dollars and could cause serious damage to the surrounding environment. The operations for extracting gold and silver from the rock will involve toxic sodium cyanide.
The company says those economic calculations are mistaken. In Huizopa there are reserves ”equivalent to 3 billion ounces of gold,” president Mark Bailey said in March.
The corporation, which is traded on the Toronto Stock Exchange and has three other projects in Mexico, informed its shareholders on Jul. 25 that because of an ”illegal blockade” and ”threats of violence from demonstrators,” its operations in Huizopa are on hold, but assured that in the following quarter it will begin full operations for gold and silver mining.
Police are guarding the mine and, according to reports from the campesinos, the Mexican army has been called in to conduct intimidating patrols.
On May 27, federal forces used tear gas to disperse about 100 campesinos who were conducting a sit-in, and two days later two Huizopa leaders were detained, but they were released soon after due to lack of charges.
Minefinders has not acted in an honest manner, say the Huizopa association and the non-governmental Project for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, a group to which jurist Patrón belongs.
The company says it has spent 12.7 million dollars on assistance for the community that owns the land and that it has financed student scholarships in geology at a university in Chihuahua.
In a bid to end the conflict, it is offering six million dollars more and to sponsor social programmes and activities focused on protecting the environment, and alleges that the campesinos have been egged on by people involved with the left-leaning and opposition PRD, Democratic Revolutionary Party.
”What they are offering proves the close-mindedness of the company. We have to take into account that they will be here for many years and we want good neighbourly relations and benefits that are equitable for all,” said De la Rosa.
The representatives of Minefinders in Mexico declined to make any further statements to Tierramérica, stating that the negotiations with the campesinos are now under way.
On Aug. 12, a committee in the Mexican Senate called on several government entities to investigate possible human rights violations of the people of Huizopa, to help establish a dialogue amongst the parties involved, to study environmental and social impacts of the mining, and to report on the presence of the army in the area.
The campesinos’ spokesperson said that as a result of efforts by the state government it was possible to begin dialogue with the company, but that there have been no results so far.
(*This story was originally published by Latin American newspapers that are part of the Tierramérica network. Tierramérica is a specialised news service produced by IPS with the backing of the United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank.)

POLITICS-ANGOLA: Some Parties More Equal Than Others
Global Geopolitics – Global News Blog – IPS
Thursday, August 28, 2008
All rights reserved, IPS – Inter Press Service, 2008.
IPS Africa
LUANDA, Aug 28 (IPS) – It seems like a playground game. Every day, Angola’s main opposition party sends teams out across Luanda to hang flags, posters and pictures of their leader Isaías Samakuva.
But usually by the next morning the green and red of UNITA (União Nacional pela Independência Total de Angola) has been replaced by a shower of red, black and yellow û- the colours of the ruling MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola) party û and larger photographs of their leader and the country’s president Jose Eduardo dos Santos.
Ok, so this is a petty competition on a few city streets, but it speaks volumes for the way this election campaign is being run.
Angola’s media is largely state-run and while there are some private weekly newspapers and radio stations in the capital, little ”opposition” news reaches the provinces.
In a gesture to the 14 parties running in the election, the government agreed to give each party equal slots on state television and radio.
But this is competing with the endless hours of air time and pages of column inches dedicated to government successes including new schools, water systems, health centres and housing.
Jardo Muekalia is a senior member of UNITA and the party’s spokesman on electoral affairs.
He said, ”There’s this hazy line between government and the party. The ruling party is basically doing its propaganda and its electoral campaign using government actions.
”The other thing is the party doing its campaign but of course they are mixing all of these and using public funds and public resources to conduct the campaign, transportation… all these resources.
”There is this unending saga with where the party ends and where the government begins.”
On Tuesday the President visited Huambo province — also known as the Planalto — which was a key battleground in the 27-year civil war.
Six years after peace returned, the region is getting back on its feet with new roads and redeveloped infrastructure.
But does a president’s visit to a province on day 19 of an election campaign really warrant days of front pages and hours of airtime?
UNITA has been in Huambo since day one of the campaign but their presence there has barely even made it into the electoral diary published in the daily Jornal de Angola newspaper.
UNITA — along with FDLA, (Frente Democratica Libertação Angola) PADEPA-ANA, (Partido de Apoio Democrático e Progresso de Angola) and FPD (Frente para Democracia) — has written to the National Electoral Commission (NEC) to express its concerns about the imbalances in the media.
Muekalia said, ”We are supposed to be selling ideas and programmes and then have people choose on that basis. But if those in power are short on ideas but plenty on goods, that has a potential to distort what we are trying to do here.”
An editorial in Wednesday’s Jornal de Angola hit back at these types of criticisms and said the paper was not taking sides and was not part of the electoral campaign. It went on to say it wrote more about the MPLA that the opposition parties because the MPLA had a bigger campaign and was staging more events.
But Rafael Marques, a Luanda-based independent Angolan journalist and commentator, blasted this article as ”rubbish”.
He said: ”Clearly Jornal de Angola is working for MPLA. The state media is being overwhelmingly used to publicise MPLA. Every time the television shows an event or rally by the opposition, it will show the worst possible images, while for the MPLA it’s all very neat, very composed, very nice.”
International lobby group Human Rights Watch is also concerned about the role of the state media and its propaganda and intimidation against opposition voters in the run up to the election. Georgette Gagnon, Africa director, said: ”It’s clear Angolans aren’t able to campaign free from intimidation or pressure and unless things change now, Angolans won’t be able to cast their votes freely.”
”Patterns of violence include sporadic assaults by local MPLA supporters, sometimes involving traditional authorities and local MPLA leaders, against local UNITA party members and their property and party symbols,” a spokeswoman added.
The ruling party hit back at these allegations saying they were not fair, but UNITA has itself reported a handful of incidents in Huambo, Lunda Norte and Huila where some party supporters were hospitalised following ”scuffles” with MPLA groups.
Muekalia said: ”Obviously in the interior provinces there is still some fear out there. And that fear stems from the fact there has been quite a lot of intimidation in some these provinces and also there have been some statements from government officials suggesting that if the MPLA losesà there will be an earthquake in Angola.
”Of course people interpret this in different ways. Will this be an earthquake in the country or within the MPLA party?
”Our message to people is: people will vote on September 5 and life will continue. The sun will rise just as it normally rises, we will wait for the results to be announced and we will simply continue to live our lives waiting for the next election.”
This is Angola’s first election in 16 years and only its second since independence from Portugal in 1975. The 1992 poll sparked a second stage of the civil war.
The long-running war between MPLA and UNITA came to a halt in 2002 following the death of UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi.
Six years after this ”outbreak of peace,” the country’s economy is booming with Angola now the largest exporter of oil to China. Angola earned an estimated record $41 billion in oil exports last year, up from $30 billion in 2006, according to estimates by JP Morgan.
Dozens of new hotels and football stadiums are being built to prepare for CAN 2010 and billions of dollars are being pumped into the country’s real estate market.
International observers from the European Union and SADC (Southern African Development Community) are in Angola to witness the poll. They are joined by the national observers.
Luisa Morgantini, the chief of the EU observer mission, said she was satisfied so far with the country’s preparations and she praised the politicians, including the president, for the language of tolerance and their commitment to peace among the electorate.
Marques noted: ”I think the most important note of the campaign is how peaceful it is going and that’s extremely important to give confidence for people to go to the polls.”